At the time of independence, different parts of the Indian subcontinent were under different types of administrative arrangements. Mainly, there were two types of jurisdiction, the principalities, large and small, governed by princes and hereditary provinces that were directly under British administration. The British Raj had separate contracts and agreements with several princely states for a variety of objectives, such as the construction and maintenance of roads and power supply facilities, railways, communications equipment, including poles, telegraph and wireless, flights, taxes, currency and coins, external affairs, etc. With the expulsion of the British Raj, these contracts would be automatically cancelled. Thus, the new Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in agreement with the spring chamber (composed of the sovereigns of princes), has reached an agreement to ensure that these administrative arrangements remain unchanged (i.e. deadlock) until the drafting of the new Constitution. Almost all princely states that had such treaties and agreements with the British Raj signed a status quo agreement with the Dominion of India membership instrument. It is interesting to note that while the IoAs and status quo agreements in the case of Mysore, Manipur, Tehri Garhwal and Udaipur indicate that they were established on behalf of the rulers of those states and the Dominion of India, both documents are drawn up on behalf of the States of Jammu and Kashmir. [18] Is it necessary to take this strange mixture for having accepted the support of the inhabitants of J-K, when they have not even been consulted on this issue? Such nitpicking does not help to conduct an informed debate on this subject.

Given the difficult circumstances of 1947 and the number of documents that had to be signed throughout the country, such discrepancies are very likely, particularly in a newly created department, which was barely occupied and had set itself an almost impossible deadline to ensure India`s integration. Legally, the document remains the source of the integration of Jammus and Kashmir with India. The Centre has not made any changes to this instrument. The question is whether the amendment to Article 370, which brought special status to Jammu and Kashmir, concerns the accession instrument and hence the position of Jammu and Kashmir as an integral part of India.