S.Rept. 93-1298, at 77, 107. These agreements could certainly be submitted to the Senate in the form of treaties (see Rep. 93-571, 24; S.Rept. 93-1298, at 86), neither the agreements nor their terms of application would be entitled to expedite legislative review. Moreover, Parliament would certainly play a role in the adoption of implementing laws, but it would not explicitly approve the agreements, i.e. it would not vote on whether the United States should accept the international commitments made to them. The United States has made trade commitments in contracts, including its bilateral friendship, trade and navigation (FCN) agreements, which require the parties to grant each other`s products the most favoured domestic tariff treatments and other trade benefits. With the conclusion of numerous bilateral customs agreements under reciprocal trade agreement legislation, the development of GATT agreements and U.S. membership in the WTO and free trade agreements, trade obligations between the United States and its trading partners are now defined primarily by these new obligations. An alternative would be to make each allocation of powers specific to the negotiation of a particular agreement and the duration of the negotiations. This would achieve much more precise negotiating objectives. It would also allow Congress to limit the debate to the potential benefits of a particular trade agreement.

However, it could be overly restrictive and unintentionally signal that the president does not have the power to enter into negotiations until the agreement of Congress is reached. TPA SOUTIENT U.S. JOB GROWTHAll $1 billion U.S. export of goods and services supports more than 5,000 U.S. jobs. In 2012, exports of U.S. goods and services were estimated to have supported 9.8 million U.S. jobs, including 25% of all manufacturing jobs. The increase in exports has generated 1.3 million U.S. jobs since 2009, and these export-based jobs pay 13-18% more than the national average wage. The way to further support these high-paying jobs is to expand trade and investment opportunities. And the way to make sure that happens is to support the TPA.

Since 1999, the U.S. Congress has enacted six trade laws, in the absence of fast track power. In addition, the U.S.-Jordan Free Trade Agreement did not attempt to introduce amendments, although it was approved without a fast track. In addition, more and more countries, including Chile, Singapore and Australia, have expressed their willingness to negotiate free trade agreements with the United States without the safety net of the overtaking route. This review suggests that there is more room for approval of fast-track trade agreements than is generally accepted, and that the President could be more selective in the agreements for which he strives to move quickly.